When Liberals Were Indignant About Marijuana Arrests

 

Excerpts from The New Republic, 1967 - 1972

 

Harry G. Levine / Queens College, City University of New York / August 2005 / hglevine@QC.edu

 

 

 

 


The New Republic, the prominent liberal magazine, recently put all its back issues from 1914 to 2000 on line.  I searched them for articles about marijuana.  

 

Until the 1960s, The New Republic almost never mentioned marijuana. Then, beginning in 1967, the magazine published a number of articles and editorials indignant about marijuana arrests and scornful about what they called the "punitive" U.S. marijuana policy.  In June of 1967 The New Republic editorially insisted that penalties for marijuana possession and sale should be removed and that "the federal Marijuana Tax act of 1937 and state laws patterned after it should be repealed." 

 

Most people at The New Republic and other liberal publications probably still hold those views, but they  rarely if ever state them in print -- and certainly not as clearly, passionately and even eloquently.  Since 1970, US marijuana arrests have gone from 200,000 a year to over 700,000 a year, often resulting in criminal records and disqualification for college aid and many jobs.

 

At: http://www.mpp.org/pdf/surveys_04.pdf

For other data see: http://www.soc.qc.edu/Staff/levine/NYCity-Marijuana-Arrest-Graphs.htm

 

 

Below are excerpts from New Republic articles from 1967, 1968, 1970, and 1972.  As you will see, the arguments made and evidence presented are eerily like the ones that many of us are still making.  Long ago -- over 35 years ago -- The New Republic and its writers did not like marijuana, but they articulately and repeatedly pointed out that that the arrests were far worse than the drug itself.

 

It would appear that in the ensuing years liberals have gotten used to the repression, a finding that does not bode well for the new repressive measures regarding drugs and "terrorism" implemented in recent years. The question still with us is how to get people to take marijuana arrests seriously, especially when they are still so invisible. Perhaps reminding people of what liberals used to say and think can help stimulate memory and anger.   -HGL

 

 

 

 

 

 


THE NEW REPUBLIC, (editorial)

JUNE 17, 1967,  P. 5-6


Keep Off the Grass?

 

Since the police aren't letting up in their enforcement of the narcotics laws, some users of marijuana are caught, tagged as "dope addicts," sent to jail. Hardly a day goes by without another pot bust -- midshipmen at Annapolis, an English professor in New York, a NATO diplomat's son, a theology instructor in Illinois. On the list appear the names of respected professionals and their children, people who generally are law-abiding. It is prudent to say, "Don't smoke pot; the risk of getting caught is too great." But who is listening?

 

A recent University of California School of Criminology study concludes that discouraging the young from smoking marijuana had no effect; the smokers could refute from their own experience the claims that the drug is harmful. Sixty-one percent of college students who were asked by the Gallup poll what they thought should be done to those who get caught using marijuana and LSD opposed expelling them from school.

 

Many respondents said taking drugs should be "strictly a matter for the individual's concern" and that "the college administration has no right to step in." The director of Olin Memorial Health Center at Michigan State University, James S. Fuerig, predicts that marijuana will be legal within two to five years -- the time it will take "to educate conservatives."

 

Marijuana is with us, and the laws against it have little deterrent force. Newspaper reports on pot publicize only a fraction of the cases. Several soldiers in intelligence school at Fort Myer, Virginia, were recently caught smoking pot. There was no scandal; punishment was mild; the men returned to duty. Students at more than one Washington, D. C. private school have been caught in the act; the schools have dealt with them gently, discreetly, and in at least one case arranged for educational talks by drug experts for the students. None of these incidents has been reported in the press.

 

Hunter Thompson's piece on the Haight-Ashbury scene in The New York Times Magazine last month gives one a feeling of how pervasive the "pot problem" is (and incidentally a lesson on how to write circumspectly) : "If there is one quick truism about psychedelic drugs, it is that anyone who tries to write about them without firsthand experience is a fool and a fraud. Yet to write from experience is an admission of felonious guilt; it is also a potential betrayal of people whose only 'crime' is the smoking of a weed that grows wild all over the world but the possession of which, in California, carries a minimum sentence of two years in prison for a second offense and a minimum of five years for a third. So, despite the fact that the whole journalism industry is full of unregenerate heads -- just as many journalists were hard drinkers during Prohibition -- it is not very likely that the frank, documented truth about the psychedelic underworld . . . will be illuminated at any time soon in the public prints." ....

 

When and if marijuana is legalized, parents will still be justifiably alarmed to find their child -- perhaps in junior high school -- is smoking pot (they would be equally upset by his drinking, and there are parental proscriptions available to them). The drug culture, with its enticements to try LSD and other, truly dangerous or uncharted drugs, will still be with us. Society will still have to deal with potheads (the alcoholics of the marijuana generation). There will remain philosophical questions about the value of chemical solutions to life's problems. But none of these problems can be dealt with sensibly under present laws. The federal Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 and state laws patterned after it should be repealed, pot reclassified as nonnarcotic, penalties for possession and sale imposed by the federal Narcotic Control Act of 1956 removed. That, at least, would be a start.   

 

 

(emphasis in bold is added; italics are in the original)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


THE NEW REPUBLIC  

May 5, 1967      P. 5-6  

(Editorial on the first page of the issue)

 

The Indecent Society

 

More people are smoking pot and more of them are getting arrested, losing their jobs, going to jail. You don't have to smoke or sell marijuana to get hurt. Joel Fort, psychiatrist, author and director of San Francisco's Center for Special Problems (drugs, sex, alcohol) was fired last month after he was accused of being too permissive toward marijuana and LSD. Last week another author, Leslie Fiedler, was arrested in Buffalo for "maintaining premises" where marijuana was used, and may lose his professorship at the State University. Joel Carnowsky was arrested in Holyoke, Massachusetts, and charged with breaching the peace, for distributing literature saying pot should be legalized.

 

In Colorado the law says a person can be executed --  put to death by potassium cyanide gas --  for a second conviction of selling marijuana to anyone under 25. Nobody's been executed yet; in fact, the Colorado courts have a bad name with the Federal Narcotics Bureau for being reluctant to convict or impose heavy penalties in pot cases. But attempts to reduce the legal penalties for selling pot in Colorado have failed and the Bureau would like the University of Colorado to crack down on the college paper for editorializing for pot.

 

Smith Kline & French Laboratories, the firm that makes all those Bennies and Dexies that millions of adult pillheads use, has joined the National Education Association in a book. Drug Abuse: Escape to Nowhere, that advises schoolteachers how to cooperate with the authorities on nabbing youthful potheads. "Where to go to get help," the book calls it. What such help can involve is shown by the Seattle case of Kerrigan Cray, arrested in the University district on his 22nd birthday after being tricked into selling pot to undercover agents of the Seattle police narcotics division, and now serving a 20-year sentence in the state prison at Walla Walla, where he spent the first 14 months in "maximum security."

 

 After 30 years of federal antipot legislation, and 10 years after federal penalties were raised to ferocious levels, no one has shown that marijuana is more hazardous than martinis. It's no longer seriously claimed that it's addictive or that it leads to use of addictive drugs. Yet the Commissioner of the Federal Narcotics Bureau says that permissiveness toward pot is "just another effort to break down our whole American system."....

 

 

 

 


 

 


THE NEW REPUBLIC

April 22, 1967   p. 11 -12

 

The Risks of Marijuana  by David Sanford  

 

 

A young man from the state of Washington, Kerrigan Gray, was arrested on the night of his twenty-second birthday for making two sales of marijuana to an undercover agent of the Seattle police narcotics division. Gray had been an on-and-off student at Everett Junior College and one of many "fringies" who hung around the University of Washington. He met the cop who arrested him in a coffee house near the university; the two became friends; Gray got his friend some pot.

 

Gray was tried and convicted on two counts of selling marijuana and sentenced to concurrent 20-year terms in the state prison at Walla Walla. (The attorney who prosecuted the case tried unsuccessfully to get consecutive sentences which would have had Gray behind bars beyond the year 2000.) Since May 4, 1965 Kerrigan Gray has been behind bars. He spent the first 14 months in maximum security-in quarters with murderers, rapists, and hardened addicts....

 

The worst thing that can happen to a person who smokes pot is prison, not addiction. The worst thing about marijuana is the laws against it, which should be repealed. The most recent authoritative view of the medical effects of marijuana is chapter 8 of the President's Crime Commission Report (February) which deals with "Narcotics and Drug Abuse," "Marijuana is equated in law with the opiates, but the abuse characteristics of the two have almost nothing in common," the report concluded, "The opiates produce physical dependence. Marijuana does not. A withdrawal sickness appears when use of the opiates is discontinued. No such symptoms are associated with marijuana. The desired dose of opiates tends to increase over time, but this is not true of marijuana,"

 

In short marijuana is not a narcotic, it is not physically addicting, one does not develop a tolerance to it. Nor, the report continues, does its use lead to addicting drugs.

 

Marijuana can lead to a "psychic dependence" in certain people who unlike occasional experimenters find it so necessary that they do, in the current phrase, drop out. A political activist at Cornell who belonged to several student government committees quit his positions so he would have more time to smoke pot. Dr. Robert Liebert, a Columbia University physician, sees some daily users, potheads, in therapy. If they have anything in common it is a feeling of alienation and withdrawal from their parents, teachers and other students and a feeling of being set upon (recurring dreams about cops). But Liebert says that his pothead patients did not come to him because they smoked pot but because they had other problems....

 

The Federal Narcotic Control Act of 1956 reflected a trend toward increasing penalties for drug offenses. Possession of a narcotic (heroin, synthetic opiates, cocaine and, erroneously, marijuana) is a federal crime carrying a mandatory minimum sentence for a first offense of two to 10 years. A second offense is punishable by five to 20 years, a third 10 to 40. Timothy Leary, the prophet of LSD, was sentenced in Texas to 30 years and a $30,000 fine for possessing one-half ounce of pot. Selling marijuana is a felony carrying a fixed-minimum five to 15 year sentence for a first conviction. (State laws are in some instances still more barbaric. In Colorado, a second offense sale of marijuana to anyone under 25 is a capital crime.)

 

The Federal Narcotics Bureau, established in 1930, was the logical successor to the prohibition agencies and put the prohibitionist mentality to work suppressing marijuana. The Bureau has long been convinced that the root source of narcotics, including pot, is organized crime.... The Narcotics Bureau and other concerned agencies use the same tactics -- informers and entrapment -- with college kids that they use to get the big guys in the Mafia. Chuck Hollander, who follows the drug scene for the National Student Association, said in a speech at Fairleigh Dickenson University earlier this month that the Bureau fails to distinguish between a student who sells pot to a friend as a favor and the operators of a highly profitable narcotics ring. He accused the Bureau of using "spying, paid informers, wire tapping, mail tampering and illegal search and seizure," to bust college kids.

 

Stigmatizing Results

 

The number of people unlucky enough to end up in prison for 20 years on a marijuana rap is relatively small. But getting caught with pot in hand or merely advocating marijuana, has results which are, at a minimum, stigmatizing. In January, New Jersey police narcotics agents arrested five Princeton students and charged them with possession of marijuana. As in most of the recent college cases, the cops had an agent posing as a town hippie, gathering information. A month after the bust, four of the five students "voluntarily" quit school for reasons of "personal health."

 

Last semester a Duke University senior was sent up before a disciplinary committee for allegedly using marijuana. Subsequently her admission to Duke's medical school was withdrawn....

 

Nothing makes hotter newspaper copy than a good dope raid, especially if it involves college students. And few things are more upsetting to college officials than to see a page-one banner headline such as that which appeared in the Detroit Free Press January 25, implicating Wayne State University: "Lightning Raids Trap 56/ In LSD and Marijuana Ring/ Majority Are WSU Students." The public's overreaction to marijuana is at least in part a reflection of the press' willingness to assume that pot is (1) a dangerous drug and (2) worth scare headlines.... 


-
David Sanford wrote regularly for The New Republic about many issues, including marijuana


 

 

 

 


THE NEW REPUBLIC  (editorial)

FEB 17, 1968, p.11

 

LBJ and Drug Traffic

 

The President has shown himself somewhat more enlightened than officials of his own Narcotics Bureau. In last week's narcotics message, Mr. Johnson carefully avoided calling marijuana a narcotic; he said it is a hallucinogen. He recognized as well that drug laws for LSD and marijuana possession and sale are a hodge-podge, and he acknowledged the senseless overlap of FDA agents with limited jurisdiction working the same ground as narcotics agents similarly constrained by laws telling them which drugs they can touch and which they can't. So far so good.

 

But the President's proposal for policing drug traffic amounts to little more than bureaucratic reshuffling. The Narcotics Bureau and the Bureau of Drug Abuse Control will be lifted whole from their respective cabinet departments and handed to the Justice Department. Three hundred Narcos and 300 Abuse Men will form a single strengthened force of 600 agents. To them Johnson would add 200 more. No one knows whether the new combined agency will have FDA's tepid medical bias or Treasury's criminal one.

 

Mr. Johnson said nothing last week about eliminating entrapment, coaxing minors to sell drugs to agents who arrest them --  a widespread practice that does more to corrupt youth than to inhibit drug traffic.  How would LBJ eliminate the inconsistent drug laws? Would he give marijuana hallucinogen status, reduce federal penalties for possession (now two to 10 years) to bring them into line with the Narcotics Bureau's supposed policy that sellers, not users, are what the government is after? No. He proposes to make the sale of LSD a felony (it is now a misdemeanor) and possession a misdemeanor (it is not now a federal crime). Finally, Mr. Johnson has charged the National Commission on Reform of the Federal Criminal Laws to make another study of drug legislation. The Crime Commission did last year. One of its conclusions: "There ... appears to be good reason to moderate present punitive legislation so that [marijuana] penalties are more in keeping with what is now known about risks; that is, they are not great."

 

Meanwhile, the New York State Senate last week voted to make the sale of marijuana to a minor punishable by life imprisonment.

 

 

 

 

 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 

NOVEMBER 21, 1970 P 11-12

 

The Prohibition Of Marijuana  By John Kaplan

 

Although the present debate over the safety of marijuana is important, the forest of alleged facts should not obscure the question whether or not it should be legalized. No responsible person says that marijuana is completely safe. It is a drug --  like alcohol, tobacco, cortisone, aspirin and antibiotics --  and every drug has its dangers. But even a relatively high degree of danger would not of itself justify making the smoking or possession of marijuana a crime. The pertinent question here is whether the harm done by a drug approximates the harm done by laws attempting to suppress it.

 

In the case of alcohol, our Prohibition experience was enough to convince most of us that the law did more harm than good, and it was repealed. The laws against marijuana have made criminals of approximately a third of our younger population and encouraged widespread disrespect for law enforcement, for law in general and for the society that maintains such laws. The laws have made a joke of drug education and increased the popularity of the drug culture, which also proselytizes for the amphetamines, LSD and even heroin. Finally, the laws have necessitated an enormous diversion of law enforcement resources, and at a time when it's unsafe to walk the streets of most cities at night. And what has this investment produced? Marijuana is freely available to almost anyone who wants it.

 

For those who do not appreciate the harm the marijuana laws are doing, misinformation about the drug's dangers makes the resolution of the social policy issue that much more difficult. Exaggerated warnings, rather than convincing people to lay off, feed a growing cynicism about authoritative statements. In turn, this helps weaken restraints on the taking of more dangerous drugs --  on the theory that if authoritative sources are wrong about marijuana they may be wrong about LSD, amphetamines and heroin. Take, for example, the statement of Frank Bartimo, Assistant General Counsel of the Defense Department, testifying before a House Armed Services subcommittee: "Marijuana is an extremely dangerous drug. There are growing scientific compilations which show that a sufficient dose can cause irreversible brain damage." Unless Mr. Bartimo had in mind a dose so large that it would choke the animal, there is absolutely no scientific evidence at all for his claim....

 

Legislative committee hearings these days give great publicity to any statement reflecting upon the dangers of marijuana. Newspapers seem anxious to print anything that parents can show their wayward children ("I told you se"). But the most that Dr. Sidney Cohen, former head of the Narcotics Addiction and Drug Abuse Division of the National Institute of Mental Health, and an advocate of the continued criminalization of marijuana, has said is that future research may reveal marijuana to be as dangerous as alcohol. If so --  and it is quite unlikely under present evidence --  marijuana would be a social danger of a familiar magnitude. People contemplating using marijuana should, of course, be warned, but warning them in misleading terms not only will prove unconvincing, it will postpone our grappling with the basic issue. Do the dangers of the marijuana laws outweigh the dangers of the drug? Put another way, are we repeating the mistake of Prohibition, with a different drug?

 

John Kaplan, professor of law at Stanford Law School,

is the author of Marijuana: The New Prohibition.

 

 


 

 

 

 


THE NEW REPUBLIC

FEB 26, 1972,  p. 7

 

Grass Clippings

 

Newspaper addicts will have noticed three stories about marijuana that, taken together, suggest a new trend in official thinking;

 

The National Institute of Mental Health in its annual report on Marijuana and Health concludes that pot is not a major threat to the health of the moderate user. The judgment is still tentative on the government s part and it is qualified in sundry ways, but it is a far cry from the old Narcotics Bureau line that marijuana leads to addiction, violent crime, insanity and death. It is reassuring news considering NIMH's estimate that 15 to 20 million Americans have smoked grass, and the Gallup poll finding that 51 percent of surveyed college students have tried marijuana. In releasing the report, NIMH Director Bertram Brown said he felt personally that penalties for possession and use of marijuana were "much too severe and much out of keeping with knowledge about its harmfulness."

 

A presidential commission, appointed by Richard Nixon, next month will recommend unanimously that private use and possession of small amounts of marijuana be "decriminalized." By this the commission does not mean "legalize pot." The gist of the recommendation is that discreet marijuana users should not be sent to prison. The President, it will be remembered, said last May that "even if the commission does recommend that it marijuana be legalized, I will not follow that recommendation."

 

• Until his retirement in January, the federal government's number-two narcotics agent, John H. Finlator, hewed closely to the official position of his agency, the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, that marijuana laws under which pot smokers are imprisoned should be enforced. Now out of the government, Finlator reveals that he personally opposed prison sentences for marijuana smokers but had been told several years ago by a high official of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (where the Bureau of Drug Abuse Control then resided) that he should keep his private views to himself; he kept quiet for the rest of the time he was in government. "I had a personal position and I had an official position and it bothered me quite a bit," said Finlator. He now works with the National Organization for Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML), a group financed in large part by the Playboy Foundation.

 

So John Finlator and the director of NIMH and the President's commission all agree that marijuana use should be "decriminalized." For the shift in official thinking to have any significance of course it will have to be translated into legislation. Finlator maintains that on the federal level, narcotics agents take little interest in small-time drug users but concentrate rather on the major pushers. The problem is zealous state and local law-enforcement activities. In some states it still happens that a youth of 18 is sentenced to 20 years in prison for possession of marijuana.

 

 

 

 

 

 

From the New Republic, Feb 26, 1972, p.7.

 

 

 

 

 

 


Also:  Click here to see: The Marijuana Arrest Binge in New York City, 1997-2004.

Harry G. Levine / Department of Sociology / Queens College / City University of New York / hglevine@QC.edu / August 05

http://www.soc.qc.edu/Staff/levine/